Post by Portiaami on Mar 8, 2021 3:17:39 GMT
What China Really Wants: A New World Order
www.nationalreview.com/2021/03/what-china-really-wants-a-new-world-order/
Translated speeches from a leading Beijing scholar-adviser provide a rare guide to the Chinese Communist Party’s plans for domination. Call it a rhapsody in red.
What does the Chinese Communist Party actually want? Sometimes, the regime’s plans can seem inscrutable. Other times, they are more blunt. The latter is certainly the case for one high-profile Chinese scholar serving the Party: Jin Canrong, the Chinese “State Master,” a professor at the Chinese People’s University in Beijing, a U.S. expert, and an adviser to the Chinese Communist Party’s Organization Department and United Front Department. It’s unclear how close he is to Xi Jinping. But he is one of the intellectuals sarcastically referred to in China as “the Emperor’s Literary Men” or “the State Masters.” He has spoken throughout China and is well-known among Netizens. That the U.S. State Department suspended the ten-year visa of this State Master, along with nine other Chinese scholars, in January 2020 suggests that Donald Trump’s administration must have been aware of him as well.
His speeches may reflect the thought of CCP leaders. In 2018, I first read the transcripts of two of his public speeches from two years earlier. I was greatly alarmed. His words contradicted all the beautiful public utterances of CCP leaders, such as, “We will never become a hegemon” and, “We have no intention to challenge the U.S. leadership.” That was the first time I was truly impressed by the degree of China’s power and ambition. I have kept the transcripts. As the U.S. reckons with the growing CCP threat not only to the U.S.-led international order but also to the U.S. itself, now seems a good time to share the content of these speeches.
The two speeches range widely and erratically. I am not attempting a complete translation. Instead, I am excerpting some parts relevant to the U.S., regrouping them into a “rhapsody” of six “movements.” A rhapsody is an epic poem, or part of one; a medley, with extravagance of ideas and expressions. That describes the two speeches excerpted here. They also serve as part of the ode of the CCP’s grand plan in the so-called “Chinese Century” to dominate the world. The State Master’s own words appear below in a different font from my notes or comments; my comments in the speech itself will appear in unitalicized brackets. The English translations are mine; I am responsible for their accuracy.
In 2012, at the CCP’s 18th plenary, it publicly announced two centenary goals. First, that, at the 100th anniversary of the CCP in 2021, all Chinese people will be free of poverty, and China will be a “well-off” society with per capita GDP of $10,000. Second, that, in 2049, at the 100th anniversary of the People’s Republic, China will be a well-established socialist power with per capita GDP at $30,000. In Jin’s words, when the second goal is reached, “China will enter the club of developed countries.”
The First Movement: China’s Gains Thanks to U.S. Engagement
State Master Jin says that there are four aspects of gain for China:
First, Chinese Assets in the U.S.: After the financial crisis of 2008, the interest rate of U.S. national bonds rose rapidly, and after a period of time, they became hard to sell. The Americans asked China for help, and China bought more than $800 billion of U.S. Treasury Bonds, which contributed to the stability of the U.S. bonds. Actually, China owns a tremendous amount of overseas assets, bigger than our GDP. Among these assets, those controlled by our central government are worth $6000 billion, of which 2/3 is in the U.S. This is a guess, because the central government has never made the asset structure public. Why are they mostly in the U.S.? To be frank, there is no better choice.
Second, Close Relationship between the Two Peoples: There are about 6 million Chinese in the U.S., roughly the same as Jews. In addition, China’s provinces and cities and schools have partnerships with their American counterparts. [6 million Chinese in the U.S. and close partnerships of the two nations at the local level are supposedly to the advantage of China because the CCP’s intention is to mix into the United States so that the two countries will be inextricable. This will become clearer in the fourth gain: Deng Xiaoping’s Strategic Choice to Develop within the U.S. System.]
Third, Cooperation in International Affairs: Together, the two countries have dealt with and solved a number of international problems. Cooperation in counter-terrorism and the prevention of North Korea from making trouble are two examples. China also played an intermediary role in the 2015 nuclear negotiation with Iran, which had been on the brink of breaking down several times. Also in 2015 there was an important agreement in Paris on global climate change, the text of which was drafted by the U.S. and China and finally passed. But several years ago in Copenhagen, the meeting on the same subject broke down because China and the U.S. were at odds.
Fourth, Deng Xiaoping’s Strategic Choice to Develop within the U.S. System: China has begun to do something in a revolutionary way on one issue, that is, to form a group of friends. We have more than 70 countries supporting China. This is accomplished by following Mao’s thinking [Jin is referring to one of Mao’s revolutionary strategies: building the United Front, meaning to make friends with as many nations as possible to support China in international affairs, such as in the U.N.]. However, our general strategy is following Deng’s idea: to rise within the U.S. system, making full use of the system to develop China. [By “the U.S. system,” Jin means the U.S. democratic political system, free societal system, and its free-market economy.]
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www.nationalreview.com/2021/03/what-china-really-wants-a-new-world-order/
Translated speeches from a leading Beijing scholar-adviser provide a rare guide to the Chinese Communist Party’s plans for domination. Call it a rhapsody in red.
What does the Chinese Communist Party actually want? Sometimes, the regime’s plans can seem inscrutable. Other times, they are more blunt. The latter is certainly the case for one high-profile Chinese scholar serving the Party: Jin Canrong, the Chinese “State Master,” a professor at the Chinese People’s University in Beijing, a U.S. expert, and an adviser to the Chinese Communist Party’s Organization Department and United Front Department. It’s unclear how close he is to Xi Jinping. But he is one of the intellectuals sarcastically referred to in China as “the Emperor’s Literary Men” or “the State Masters.” He has spoken throughout China and is well-known among Netizens. That the U.S. State Department suspended the ten-year visa of this State Master, along with nine other Chinese scholars, in January 2020 suggests that Donald Trump’s administration must have been aware of him as well.
His speeches may reflect the thought of CCP leaders. In 2018, I first read the transcripts of two of his public speeches from two years earlier. I was greatly alarmed. His words contradicted all the beautiful public utterances of CCP leaders, such as, “We will never become a hegemon” and, “We have no intention to challenge the U.S. leadership.” That was the first time I was truly impressed by the degree of China’s power and ambition. I have kept the transcripts. As the U.S. reckons with the growing CCP threat not only to the U.S.-led international order but also to the U.S. itself, now seems a good time to share the content of these speeches.
The two speeches range widely and erratically. I am not attempting a complete translation. Instead, I am excerpting some parts relevant to the U.S., regrouping them into a “rhapsody” of six “movements.” A rhapsody is an epic poem, or part of one; a medley, with extravagance of ideas and expressions. That describes the two speeches excerpted here. They also serve as part of the ode of the CCP’s grand plan in the so-called “Chinese Century” to dominate the world. The State Master’s own words appear below in a different font from my notes or comments; my comments in the speech itself will appear in unitalicized brackets. The English translations are mine; I am responsible for their accuracy.
In 2012, at the CCP’s 18th plenary, it publicly announced two centenary goals. First, that, at the 100th anniversary of the CCP in 2021, all Chinese people will be free of poverty, and China will be a “well-off” society with per capita GDP of $10,000. Second, that, in 2049, at the 100th anniversary of the People’s Republic, China will be a well-established socialist power with per capita GDP at $30,000. In Jin’s words, when the second goal is reached, “China will enter the club of developed countries.”
The First Movement: China’s Gains Thanks to U.S. Engagement
State Master Jin says that there are four aspects of gain for China:
First, Chinese Assets in the U.S.: After the financial crisis of 2008, the interest rate of U.S. national bonds rose rapidly, and after a period of time, they became hard to sell. The Americans asked China for help, and China bought more than $800 billion of U.S. Treasury Bonds, which contributed to the stability of the U.S. bonds. Actually, China owns a tremendous amount of overseas assets, bigger than our GDP. Among these assets, those controlled by our central government are worth $6000 billion, of which 2/3 is in the U.S. This is a guess, because the central government has never made the asset structure public. Why are they mostly in the U.S.? To be frank, there is no better choice.
Second, Close Relationship between the Two Peoples: There are about 6 million Chinese in the U.S., roughly the same as Jews. In addition, China’s provinces and cities and schools have partnerships with their American counterparts. [6 million Chinese in the U.S. and close partnerships of the two nations at the local level are supposedly to the advantage of China because the CCP’s intention is to mix into the United States so that the two countries will be inextricable. This will become clearer in the fourth gain: Deng Xiaoping’s Strategic Choice to Develop within the U.S. System.]
Third, Cooperation in International Affairs: Together, the two countries have dealt with and solved a number of international problems. Cooperation in counter-terrorism and the prevention of North Korea from making trouble are two examples. China also played an intermediary role in the 2015 nuclear negotiation with Iran, which had been on the brink of breaking down several times. Also in 2015 there was an important agreement in Paris on global climate change, the text of which was drafted by the U.S. and China and finally passed. But several years ago in Copenhagen, the meeting on the same subject broke down because China and the U.S. were at odds.
Fourth, Deng Xiaoping’s Strategic Choice to Develop within the U.S. System: China has begun to do something in a revolutionary way on one issue, that is, to form a group of friends. We have more than 70 countries supporting China. This is accomplished by following Mao’s thinking [Jin is referring to one of Mao’s revolutionary strategies: building the United Front, meaning to make friends with as many nations as possible to support China in international affairs, such as in the U.N.]. However, our general strategy is following Deng’s idea: to rise within the U.S. system, making full use of the system to develop China. [By “the U.S. system,” Jin means the U.S. democratic political system, free societal system, and its free-market economy.]
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